BALTIMORE, Md. — Anne Applebaum argues in a recent essay for The Atlantic that the defeat of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán marks more than a national political upset — it is evidence that entrenched illiberal governments can be challenged and removed through democratic means.
Applebaum writes that Orbán’s loss after 16 years in power ended a widespread assumption among supporters of authoritarian populism that leaders like him were politically unbeatable. Orbán had become an international symbol for right-wing movements that claimed liberal democracy was weak, outdated and destined to fail. His defeat, she argues, undercuts that narrative.
The election victory by opposition leader Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party came despite a political system heavily tilted in favor of the ruling Fidesz government. Over the years, Orbán and his allies consolidated control over much of the judiciary, bureaucracy, universities and major sectors of the economy. Independent media shrank, state resources were used politically, and critics faced growing pressure.
Applebaum notes that Magyar’s campaign operated at a structural disadvantage. He had limited access to traditional media and even advertising space, much of which was controlled by government-aligned interests. Rather than rely on conventional campaign methods, Magyar built a grassroots movement that emphasized direct voter contact and local organizing.
She also describes a climate of intimidation surrounding the campaign. Some supporters reportedly spoke only off the record out of fear of retaliation. Magyar’s online database was hacked, and critics of the government worried that political opposition could carry professional or economic consequences.
Orbán’s campaign, according to Applebaum, leaned on familiar themes of fear, nationalism and foreign threats. She writes that government messaging focused heavily on culture-war issues and external enemies, including Ukraine, rather than domestic frustrations over living standards and public services.
Yet those domestic frustrations proved decisive. Multiple reports cited inflation, economic stagnation, corruption concerns, deteriorating health care and underfunded schools as central issues for voters. Magyar concentrated his campaign on those bread-and-butter concerns instead of mirroring Orbán’s ideological rhetoric.
Magyar reportedly traveled extensively through smaller towns and rural areas, holding multiple campaign stops each day and seeking support beyond major urban centers. That strategy helped broaden the opposition coalition and challenge Fidesz in areas long considered politically secure.
The scale of the result was historic. Reports indicate Tisza won a parliamentary supermajority, giving the incoming government the ability to pursue major institutional reforms and potentially reverse constitutional changes made during the Orbán era.
Applebaum cautions that defeating an entrenched ruling party is not the same as rebuilding democratic institutions. Fidesz appointees remain embedded across state structures, and the transition is expected to be difficult. Still, she presents the Hungarian election as an international lesson: authoritarian politics are powerful, but they are not inevitable or permanent.
For observers beyond Hungary — including in the United States and across Europe — the message is that economic failure, corruption and institutional overreach can eventually erode even a long-dominant regime when opposition movements organize effectively and remain focused on everyday concerns.
Follow the Vanguard on Social Media – X, Instagram and Facebook. Subscribe the Vanguard News letters. To make a tax-deductible donation, please visit davisvanguard.org/donate or give directly through ActBlue. Your support will ensure that the vital work of the Vanguard continues.
