
Friedrich Nietzsche’s most chilling warning reads like a prophecy now: “He who fights with monsters should be careful lest he thereby become a monster. And if you gaze long into an abyss, the abyss also gazes into you.”
That line was never meant as abstract philosophy. It was a recognition of something deep and dangerous in human nature: our tendency, once convinced of our righteousness, to justify cruelty in the name of self-defense. And nowhere is that more evident today than in the policies and rhetoric driving the current Trump administration’s second term.
The idea of “fighting monsters” underpins so much of our politics now. Opponents aren’t merely wrong—they’re monsters, existential threats, enemies of civilization itself. Whether it’s “radical Marxists,” “vermin immigrants,” or “terrorist sympathizers,” the narrative is clear: destroy them before they destroy us.
But the more that logic takes hold, the more we adopt the very inhumanity we claim to oppose.
Dehumanization isn’t just an ugly byproduct of political discourse anymore—it’s a governing philosophy. Consider the immigration policies rolled out in just the past few weeks. On March 21, the Trump administration revoked temporary legal status for more than 530,000 people from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Venezuela—many of whom had lived and worked here peacefully under legal parole.
Then came something even more chilling: the administration invoked the Alien Enemies Act of 1798—yes, the same law used to justify the internment of Japanese Americans—to begin deporting Venezuelan migrants en masse, some to Guantánamo Bay. Officials admitted that many of those sent to Guantánamo have no criminal record and that, shockingly, “because we don’t know much about these people, that justifies denying them due process.”
Think about that. The government is now openly arguing that ignorance about a group justifies stripping them of basic rights. That’s not law enforcement. That’s monster-making—defining entire groups as less than human, undeserving of the protections we demand for ourselves.
These actions aren’t isolated. They fit a pattern. Just this past week, it was reported that Columbia University agreed to a series of sweeping changes—under threat of losing $400 million in federal funding—after the Trump administration accused it of tolerating antisemitism. Whatever the merits of specific concerns, the message was clear: dissent from administration orthodoxy, and you will be punished. Even elite universities will be forced to bend.
Meanwhile, lawsuits challenging the administration’s 132 documented illegal actions continue piling up. Among the most egregious constitutional violations are clear assaults on free speech, due process, and equal protection. But that is the point: once a government starts seeing enemies everywhere, rights become obstacles, not principles.
And perhaps the most haunting example yet: migrants being sent to Guantánamo Bay, a place synonymous with indefinite detention and the abandonment of due process. The administration claims these are dangerous gang members—but admits it has no evidence. In fact, it argues that the absence of evidence is itself cause for suspicion.
This is how democracies turn dark—not overnight, but step by step, policy by policy, with each new justification based on fear.
If this feels familiar, it should. Nazi propaganda labeled Jews as “vermin.” Rwandan radio described Tutsis as “cockroaches.” American politicians once called Black children “super-predators”—language that paved the way for mass incarceration.
In his book Less Than Human, philosopher David Livingstone Smith argues that the worst human atrocities always begin the same way: by convincing ordinary people that their enemies aren’t human at all.
The Trump administration isn’t just flirting with that process—it is institutionalizing it.
Terms like “poisoning the blood of our country” are no longer fringe—they’re part of official rhetoric. Policies once unimaginable—indefinite detention, mass deportation, forced labor—are now daily headlines. Each justified by the same argument: We must protect ourselves from these people. We don’t know who they are. Therefore, they deserve nothing.
What Nietzsche understood, and what we seem determined to ignore, is that dehumanization doesn’t just destroy the target—it destroys the society that wields it.
Every time we embrace cruelty in the name of safety, every time we strip rights from a group because they are “monsters,” we change ourselves. We become the very thing we feared.
This is the trap. Dehumanization feels good. It feels righteous. It turns every political battle into a moral crusade. But it is also corrosive—eating away at the values we claim to defend.
We see it online, where social media algorithms reward outrage and amplify hate. We see it in statehouses, where lawmakers push bills designed not to govern, but to punish. We see it at the border, where families are torn apart and children held in cages.
And, increasingly, we see it in policy—where entire groups are denied rights not because of what they’ve done, but because of who they are.
The truth is, this doesn’t end well. It never does.
When you define yourself by the monsters you fight, you start needing bigger monsters. The bar for what counts as a threat gets lower. The cruelty gets easier. And before long, the system itself becomes monstrous.
Nietzsche knew that too. “If you gaze long into an abyss, the abyss also gazes into you.”
We are there now. Gazing into the abyss. And the abyss is gazing back.
The Trump administration justifies Guantánamo Bay for migrants, indefinite detention for the unknown, and stripping citizenship from people whose ancestors fled persecution. What happens next? What new abyss will we create to justify the next round of cruelty?
History suggests that by the time most people wake up to what’s happening, it’s too late.
So what do we do? The answer isn’t easy—but it is simple: We fight the right monsters.
That means calling out dehumanization wherever it appears—not just when it targets our allies. It means defending the rule of law even when it’s inconvenient. It means refusing to let fear dictate who deserves rights and who doesn’t.
Yes, the world is dangerous. Yes, there are real threats. But the test of a democracy is not how it treats the safe and the known—it’s how it treats the vulnerable and the feared.
We can be a country that defends human dignity. Or we can be a country that sends the unwanted to Guantánamo.
We cannot be both.
There is still time to choose. Still time to reject the abyss.
That means demanding accountability for policies that violate basic human rights. It means rejecting the language of infestation, invasion, and criminality used to describe desperate people seeking a better life. It means understanding that the real threat to our democracy isn’t the stranger at the border—it’s the slow erosion of the values that made this country worth defending in the first place.
Nietzsche wasn’t writing for our moment—but his words were meant for it.
If we don’t listen, we may wake up one day and find that the monsters we thought we were fighting are the ones we’ve become.
When you don’t control illegal immigration (to the point at which the mayor of New York ends up being on “Trump’s side”), you get Trump.
But who are the real monsters?
Institutions that look the other way when its students express anti-Semitism?
Or the agencies that are pushing back against that?
Activists firebombing Tesla dealerships and charging stations and painting swastikas and keying Tesla owner’s cars?
Or Musk who’s trying to fix our country’s out of control debt?
The list can go on and on…
I think that some in the country are in a state of shock regarding Trump’s actions this time (tariffs, layoffs, aggressive enforcement of immigration laws, etc.).
Last time, it seemed like he was spending a lot more time just “tweeting” (that people made fun of).
Turns out he was doing more than just playing golf in Mar-A-Lago, in regard to a plan this time.
My guess is that (for better or worse), he’d still beat Harris today.
Keith, I believe the point of the article is that with few exceptions there are no monsters. The monsters are a product of our fear/imagination.
FDR paraphrased Nietzsche when he said, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”
I read it differently, in that Trump is the “monster”. (Not just in this article, but throughout media.)
In any case, was Hitler a monster?
How about those we label as terrorists (who actually do some pretty monstrous things)?
Ron, as I said “with few exceptions” Hitler was clearly an exception, idi Amin and Pol Pot were exceptions as well.
So David Livingstone Smith, in the book I just finished, and cited in my article would argue otherwise: “What’s most disturbing about the Nazi phenomenon is not that the Nazis were madmen or monsters. It’s that they were ordinary human beings.”
I would also point to the recently departed Zimbardo: “Evil is situational, systemic, and deeply human — not the domain of aberrant monsters.“
DG quote other: “What’s most disturbing about the Nazi phenomenon is not that the Nazis were madmen or monsters. It’s that they were ordinary human beings.”
I actually agree with you on this point. It’s not painting the Nazi’s as the exception that’s the point, it’s that this same phenomenon is repeating because the mind control is part of the human paradigm. A guru of mine who was active in taking down Manson behind the scenes told a similar story: It wasn’t that Manson wasn’t an evil guy, the problem is that people considered his evil and mind control an exception, and almost unique, when in fact it’s going on all around us all the time and we need to recognize that.
“Keith, I believe the point of the article is that with few exceptions there are no monsters. The monsters are a product of our fear/imagination.”
That’s not what I got out of the article.
It’s an interesting point Matt, but it is generally believed that Louis Howe, who was FDR’s speech writer, was more likely influenced by Thoreau: “Nothing is so much to be feared as fear.”
That additional bit of information can be thought of as both/and rather than either/or.
That’s fair, I’m just interjecting more than disagreeing.
Understood
Nietzsche acknowledged Schopenhauer as his greatest influence, and Schopenhauer’s noumena and Thoreau’s natural world are interesting to consider together. I don’t know whether Nietzsche was aware of or influenced by Thoreau, but he was Schopenhauer’s influence on him isn’t disputed.
Nietzsche was profoundly shaped by Schopenhauer—both adopting and later rejecting his ideas—the connection between Schopenhauer’s noumenon and Thoreau’s natural world lies in their shared exploration of transcendent realities. Nietzsche and Thoreau may align more indirectly through their mutual emphasis on personal transformation and authenticity.
That was A.I. I’ve never even heard of 2/3 of these people.
I can understand not knowing Schopenhauer, but it’s a bit frightening that you hadn’t heard of either Thoreau (Walden, Civil Disobendience) or possible Nietzsche. I don’t believe I’ve ever read Schopenhauer, but he is heavily referenced in Nietzsche, who I have read widely.
I do know Thoreau, I said 2/3. Just like yesterday when I knew Tupac but not the other two.
I want you to think I’m very poorly educated and cultured so you can feel superior to me.
Alan’s comment wins the Internet for today.