Deportation by Error, Governance by Impunity — When Presidents Mock the Rule of Law

Is there really any more doubt that the US is sliding towards authoritarianism?  It should have been obliterated by a surreal Oval Office appearance Monday morning, 

President Donald Trump stood beside El Salvador’s authoritarian leader Nayib Bukele and shared a moment that should send chills down the spine of every American who still believes in the rule of law. 

On the topic of whether to return Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, a Maryland father of three, who was wrongfully deported to El Salvador despite a standing U.S. court order blocking his removal, the response was yet another indicator of where things are heading.

Bukele’s response was immediate and contemptuous: “Of course I’m not going to do it,” he said to reporters. 

The Salvadoran president went further, likening the idea of returning Abrego Garcia to “smuggling a terrorist into the United States.” 

President Trump smiled approvingly as Bukele spoke, flanked by cabinet officials who echoed their leader’s intransigence on cue.

This wasn’t just diplomatic grandstanding, it was a constitutional crisis on full display.

Last week, the Supreme Court ordered the Trump administration to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return. The deportation—acknowledged by the government itself as an “administrative error”—violated a 2019 immigration court ruling that barred his removal on the grounds that he might face violence or torture in El Salvador. The court’s intervention was an attempt to correct a grave injustice.

But the Justice Department responded by arguing that the judiciary had no authority to compel the White House to act. In a filing, it claimed that only the president held the power to conduct foreign policy—and therefore the courts could not dictate how to fix their mistake. That position, now bolstered by Trump’s public refusal to comply, amounts to open defiance of the Supreme Court.

So now we have a man who was illegally deported, imprisoned in one of the world’s most notorious penal systems, and told he has no path back—not because of any crime, not because of national security, but because the president doesn’t feel like it.

This is not a technical error. It is the natural consequence of a system that has allowed executive discretion in immigration to morph into unchecked power. That transformation began long before Trump, but, under his leadership, it has evolved into something far more dangerous: executive impunity.

The courts can rule, the facts can be clear, and the harm can be grievous—but none of it matters if the administration can simply decide it will not comply.  No one has been willing to hold the President accountable—and probably no one will.

This wasn’t the only affront to justice. In the same Oval Office meeting, the administration celebrated the latest round of deportations to El Salvador, bragging that 10 more individuals—allegedly affiliated with gangs—had been sent to the same prison system where Abrego Garcia now sits. 

Secretary of State Marco Rubio went so far as to call the alliance between Trump and Bukele “an example for security and prosperity in our hemisphere.”

That “example” includes a prison system where tens of thousands have disappeared without trial, due process, or even confirmation of life. After a wave of gang violence, Bukele imposed a state of emergency and gave military forces near-total authority to arrest anyone suspected of criminal involvement. 

“Human rights, democratic norms and the rule of law have all but disappeared in El Salvador,” said Amanda Strayer of Human Rights First. “Instead, the Trump administration is cozying up to and copying Bukele’s authoritarian playbook—rounding up people with no evidence, denying them any due process, and disappearing them in abusive Salvadoran prisons indefinitely.”

This is the system into which the United States wrongfully sent a man. This is the system we refuse to extract him from.

Perhaps the most chilling aspect of this entire episode is what it reveals about the hollowing out of judicial authority. The Supreme Court has spoken. The president has ignored it. And there appear to be no consequences.

This isn’t the first time. From ignoring injunctions on asylum bans to circumventing federal rulings through bureaucratic sleight of hand, the Trump administration has made a pattern of treating court decisions as optional. What’s different now is the brazenness. There’s no fig leaf, no claim of misunderstanding or delay. There is simply rejection: We know what the court said. We won’t do it.

This is governance by defiance. A legal system that depends on voluntary executive compliance cannot survive under a president who regards defiance as a virtue. A court whose rulings are treated as suggestions is not a court at all.

If a man’s wrongful deportation—backed by legal precedent, judicial order, and international human rights standards—cannot be corrected by the Supreme Court, then what can?

Bukele and Trump are not just political allies. They are ideological mirrors, using the machinery of state violence to consolidate power, punish perceived enemies, and stage-manage media narratives.

Both have perfected the art of the spectacle. Bukele flaunts his mass incarceration policies with choreographed drone shots of shirtless detainees and social media soundtracks. Trump echoes this strategy with press conferences framed around fear—of immigrants, gangs, chaos—and promises of swift, brutal order.

Their shared tactics include undermining democratic norms, bypassing institutional checks, and demonizing the press. It is no surprise that Bukele referred to being grouped with low-risk countries in a U.S. travel advisory as akin to receiving a “gold star.” This is politics reduced to branding, governance reduced to performance.

But underneath the performance are real lives—real people caught in the gears of authoritarian ambition. Abrego Garcia is not a statistic. He is a 29-year-old father of three whose only crime was trusting that a court ruling in his favor meant something.

It’s tempting to see this case as an isolated tragedy. It isn’t. It’s a test balloon for the erosion of rights, the normalization of lawlessness, and the fading line between democratic governance and strongman rule.

If a man can be deported in violation of a court order and held indefinitely in a foreign prison—and neither the president nor the courts will bring him home—then what prevents that same logic from being applied to others? To political dissidents? To journalists? To anyone deemed inconvenient by the state?

This is how democratic backsliding happens—not all at once, but through a slow accumulation of shrugged-off violations. The administration calls it an “error.” The court calls it unlawful. The president calls it irrelevant.

And so, a man remains in a prison cell. His children wait in Maryland. The Constitution collects dust.

The United States cannot claim to be a nation of laws if the executive branch can violate them at will. The rule of law either constrains power or it is merely decorative. In the case of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, it is now brutally clear which it has become.

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  • David Greenwald

    Greenwald is the founder, editor, and executive director of the Davis Vanguard. He founded the Vanguard in 2006. David Greenwald moved to Davis in 1996 to attend Graduate School at UC Davis in Political Science. He lives in South Davis with his wife Cecilia Escamilla Greenwald and three children.

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18 comments

  1. “Supreme Court ordered the Trump administration to “facilitate” Abrego Garcia’s return.”

    Reminds me of when Biden ignored the Supreme Court’s ruling on college loan forgiveness.

      1. Perhaps if the Vanguard had exhibited the same curiosity when Biden ignored the SC’s student loan forgiveness decision, more people would take their one-sided headlines seriously.

        1. It was kind of interesting reading Anne Applebaum’s book last week, she noted this who group of her friends who were relatively young, conservative intellectuals and some like her kind of got disgusted along the way and changed their thinking. Others like Laura Ingraham went further down the rabbit hole. Ultimately there were reasons why some people stuck it out and others turned their back. I keep wondering if there will be a tipping point for you – not sure we’re completely getting the real version, but it is interesting watching how you navigate all of this.

          1. It’s not interesting, it’s dangerous – unchecked power is the slippery slope to tyranny. I keep waiting for Trump to parrot the line – Mr. Roberts has made his decision, now let’s see him enforce it. The court is not strong enough to be a counterweight if the congress won’t step up – and we’ve seen they won’t. This is no longer about left v. right, it’s about tyranny v. democracy.

          2. “What’s even more interesting is watching how the left is unraveling.”
            What’s interesting is watching conservatives demonstrate that they have literally no moral or ethical foundation, nor do they adhere to the basic principles of the American constitution.

          3. I’d find solace in that if I had a belief that the Democrats had any clue how to stop this apocalypse – but I don’t. A conservative friend of mine once told me the only thing worse than the Democrats would be no Democrats. That’s playing out now and unfortunately Keith and others lack the foresight of my friend.

          4. You mean like the tyranny of democrats using a fake Russian dossier to get a judge to sign off on FISA warrants in order to spy on and go after Trump? That kind of tyranny? Why wasn’t that a tipping point for you?

          5. You act as though there is a parallel in history to what is going on now – there isn’t.

  2. This is what I hate about Trump. I’m perfectly OK with deportations of those who have committed criminal acts here. But with due process. So this kind of mistake doesn’t happen. Trump should be ashamed of this, but one of the critical flaws of his personality is he almost never will admit a mistake. A great, at least theoretically, part of our justice system is that we are Ok to have a system that may let a murderer go free so that an innocent man is not convicted of murder. That’s why we have to err on the side of due process, not political expediency. Having Trump as a leader with this moral failing sets an example for his followers, and that is scary.

    1. It would probably be better if you didn’t use such sweeping language. “Democrats don’t really care…”. Which democrats don’t care? Which democrats do? Which democrats have spoken out about this? Also, isn’t one of the points in question whether or not some of the folks deported are actually gang members?

        1. I despise Trump. I despise Harris. I despise El Salvadorian gang members.

          And I believe there should be due process. Maybe even more process than is due. So that we get it right.

          1. In Justice Felix Frankfurter’s concurring opinion in Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee v. McGrath (1951), he wrote: “The history of liberty has largely been the history of the observance of procedural safeguards.”

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