Jewish Legal Commentary Sees Holocaust Lessons in Supreme Court Immigration Decisions

Three recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions preserving birthright citizenship while expanding executive authority over asylum and humanitarian immigration protections have prompted renewed debate over the future of immigration law, with one legal commentator arguing the rulings carry profound historical significance, particularly for Jewish Americans.

In an opinion published Wednesday in Moment magazine, legal journalist and adjunct professor Paul Barrett argued that the Court’s recent immigration rulings should be viewed collectively, contending they simultaneously preserved one constitutional safeguard while weakening longstanding protections for asylum seekers and immigrants with humanitarian status. Barrett wrote that the decisions are best understood through the historical legacy of Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi persecution during World War II.

Barrett pointed to Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s dissent in one of the asylum cases, writing that “the place for readers of Moment to begin to sort out the three recent Supreme Court rulings on immigration and citizenship is page 29 of Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s dissent in the case on asylum seekers.”

According to Barrett, Sotomayor traced the origins of the modern American asylum system to the international response following the Holocaust. She recounted the voyage of the MS St. Louis, which carried more than 900 Jewish refugees seeking to escape Nazi Germany in 1939. After being turned away by Cuba, the United States and Canada, the ship returned to Europe, where more than 250 of its passengers were ultimately murdered during the Holocaust.

Barrett wrote that the tragedy of the St. Louis “inspired decades of international treaty-making and national legislating that, in the United States, culminated in the assembly of well-intentioned, if highly imperfect, asylum procedures.”

He argued that President Donald Trump’s efforts to reshape immigration policy formed the common thread connecting three recent Supreme Court cases, writing that “President Donald Trump’s attempt to destroy the generous spirit motivating the availability of asylum and other aspects of the U.S. immigration process is the theme connecting a trio of Supreme Court rulings.”

Barrett described the Court’s decision preserving birthright citizenship as the most significant positive outcome among the three cases.

The Court rejected the Trump administration’s effort to reinterpret the Citizenship Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and left intact the longstanding principle that nearly all children born in the United States automatically become citizens regardless of their parents’ immigration status.

Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the majority, quoted the Constitution’s text: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”

Barrett wrote that the decision “preserved the status quo granting citizenship to children born in the United States to non-citizen parents” and blocked an executive order issued on Trump’s first day in office that sought to limit birthright citizenship.

According to Barrett, the executive order “was intended to lay the groundwork for deporting hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of U.S.-born Americans previously thought to be citizens.”

He characterized the administration’s proposal as “nothing short of radical” and wrote it “would have led to the persecution and displacement of a vast number of productive, taxpaying Americans.”

Barrett also criticized arguments advanced in dissent focusing on so-called “birth tourism,” writing that while the phenomenon exists, it is relatively uncommon compared with immigrants who establish families after arriving in the United States.

The opinion then turned to the Court’s ruling concerning Temporary Protected Status, or TPS.

Barrett wrote that the decision allows the executive branch broad authority to terminate humanitarian protections previously granted to immigrants from countries experiencing armed conflict, political instability or natural disasters.

He noted the immediate impact on approximately 350,000 Haitian immigrants who had received temporary legal protection, as well as thousands of Syrians and potentially as many as 1.3 million TPS recipients from 17 countries.

Barrett wrote that many TPS recipients are employed in health care, construction, retail and service industries, arguing their removal would have significant economic consequences.

He quoted White House adviser Stephen Miller, who responded to the Court’s ruling by saying, “If you no longer have status in this country, you should be deported.”

The dispute also involved whether the Department of Homeland Security complied with statutory consultation requirements before terminating TPS protections.

According to Barrett, immigrant advocates argued the agency failed to adequately consult other federal agencies regarding whether conditions in Haiti and Syria remained dangerous enough to justify continued protection. The Court’s majority concluded that such determinations largely fall within executive authority rather than judicial review.

Another issue centered on whether President Trump’s past public statements about Haitians demonstrated unconstitutional discriminatory intent.

Barrett argued the majority rejected that claim despite what he described as extensive evidence.

Writing for the dissent, Justice Elena Kagan catalogued several statements attributed to Trump, including: “Haitians are ‘eating the dogs…They’re eating the cats. They’re eating—they’re eating the pets of the people that live [in Springfield, OH].'” She also quoted additional statements, including that Haiti is a “‘shithole country,'” and that Haitians, along with others, are “‘poisoning the blood’ of our country.”

Barrett argued the Court’s asylum ruling carries especially significant implications because it changes how asylum seekers may access legal protections.

The dispute centered on language in federal immigration law allowing individuals to apply for asylum when they “arrive in” the United States.

According to Barrett, the Court’s conservative majority concluded immigration officials may physically prevent migrants from entering U.S. territory before they are able to invoke asylum protections.

Justice Sotomayor, dissenting, warned the ruling could push migrants toward more dangerous border crossings and increase the likelihood that individuals fleeing persecution will be returned to countries where they face harm.

Barrett highlighted one passage from Sotomayor’s dissent drawing a direct comparison to the St. Louis.

“If the refugees on the MS St. Louis were to walk up to a port of entry on our southern border today,” Sotomayor wrote, “the majority’s interpretation would allow immigration officers to refuse even to consider their asylum applications by physically blocking them from stepping foot onto U.S. soil.”

She continued that the government’s interpretation would permit officials to deny asylum “even if the refugees complied with all applicable laws and regulations, even if the port had ample capacity to inspect them, and even if turning them back would result in the very persecution from which they narrowly escaped.”

Barrett concluded that the Court’s interpretation of asylum law risks repeating historical failures to protect refugees.

“In other words,” Barrett wrote, “beyond statutory semantics, the majority on the Supreme Court of the United States has ruled to allow history to repeat itself.”

The three immigration decisions collectively leave intact constitutional birthright citizenship while significantly expanding presidential authority over humanitarian immigration programs and asylum access, setting the stage for continued legal and political battles over the scope of executive power in U.S. immigration policy.

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  • David M. Greenwald

    Greenwald is the founder, editor, and executive director of the Davis Vanguard. He founded the Vanguard in 2006. David Greenwald moved to Davis in 1996 to attend Graduate School at UC Davis in Political Science. He lives in South Davis with his wife Cecilia Escamilla Greenwald and three children.

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15 comments

  1. Looks like Israel itself (the country that some are claiming is engaging in genocide) doesn’t allow birthright citizenship unless one parent is an Israeli citizen.

    At some point, Jewish people (or perhaps more accurately – some Jewish organizations) are going to have to stop claiming victimhood. Pretty sure we’ve run out of actual WWII Nazis for them to hunt down in places like Argentina.

      1. Didn’t know what that meant, so quickly looked it up (per AI):

        “Passed in 1950, this civil law allows any Jewish person in the world to settle in Israel and claim immediate citizenship. A 1970 amendment extended this right to individuals with at least one Jewish grandparent, provided they do not practice another religion. The law acts as a fundamental guarantee of asylum and sanctuary for the Jewish diaspora. Eligibility and immigration processes are managed by The Jewish Agency for Israel.”

        Sounds like it has nothing to do with what I noted above, and frankly sounds racist/discriminatory. In fact, it sounds horribly-so.

        One thing I’ve noticed in general (regarding people/cultures/races) is that the “oppressed” often turn into the “oppressors” (usually while still claiming that they’re still being oppressed based upon dead ancestors). Often times, turning into “excused” racists, as well.

          1. I’m not sure how it “addresses” what I noted.

            Apparently, Israel doesn’t allow birthright citizenship to the degree that the U.S. does.

            The U.S. seems to be one of the true “patsies” of the world, regarding this issue. Hell, the subsequent inscription on the Statue of Liberty proves it.

            At one time, we needed the losers from Europe to help settle the country and “round up” the Indians, so to speak (and Chinese laborers to build the railroad lines). We don’t need those losers anymore.

            And at this point, the “indigenous people of Europe” are experiencing an unwanted “invasion” as well (see what’s been occurring in Ireland, for example).

          2. But this wasn’t a piece about Israel either, it was about US immigration policy. Israel wasn’t even mentioned in my article. So why are you bringing it up?

          3. The article mentions parallels to what happened to Jewish people in WWII. Did you read the article, yourself? (I only skimmed it.)

          4. I saw that you wrote it before making that comment.

            Try subsequently reading what you write with a critical eye.

    1. “claiming victimhood”

      This is not only offensive but wrong. The point of the piece is not about current Jews, but rather the history and consequences of immigration controls. The voyage of the damned (the image above) is a chief example of that. This is not a policy likely to impact most Jews directly, instead it is a historical warning about what can happen when immigration and escape routes are shut down.

      1. No country (including the U.S.) is the savior of the world. We don’t even take good care of some of U.S. citizens.

        Try not allowing your own country to get f*cked-up, and there wouldn’t be this problem.

        Though it seems to me that a temporary status could be granted in such situations, after which – send your arse back home. To some degree, I’d also say that this is true of high-crime communities in the U.S. – focus on THAT problem, before you start blaming everyone else for the issues that you yourself caused (or allowed).

        Religion is part of the reason that countries become this way. That, and national pride, ego, self-interest by leaders and the populace itself, etc.

      2. But you are wrong, regarding “claiming victimhood”. I’ve been hearing this type of b.s. my entire life (from a group that does pretty well).

        At least black communities have some credibility regarding getting “left behind”.

        From my perspective, Jews and Israel are not victims at this point, and have a potent military (not to mention a Nazi-hunting organization that’s existed for decades – to the point where there’s no more Nazis alive to hunt).

        Jews, in fact, do dominate a lot of powerful industries in THIS country. Disproportionately represented, if you will.

        (Or maybe Weinstein is an unusual name in Hollywood, for example?)

        My own view is, “don’t claim victimhood” if you’re doing better on average than other groups, for example.

        Apparently, there’s a significant number of Jewish people in Davis, as well. (I never noticed that, until the issue with Gaza came up.)

        1. Hey, you’ve said stupid S about Jews in the past. But it was literally that, just stupid; mouthing off without any idea what you were talking about. Now your inanity has crossed the line, and you know what line I mean.

          Lose my email address, permanently.

        2. Ron O. You know so little but speak so much. For someone so outspoken about immigration you might want to learn some history before you make more of a fool of yourself once again.

          The story of the journey of the St Louis was so pivotal upon the American collective psyche that it has overshadowed US immigration policies for 87 years even being discussed today at the highest levels of our judicial branch of government as a cautionary tale in a Supreme Court dissent.

          I will make it easy for you. There was an amazing movie with incredible acting made in the 1970’s with an all-star cast including Faye Dunaway and Orsen Welles. It was called “Voyage of the Damned. “You can watch it for free on the link below.

          https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y1RxVTBWKrw

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